[back] Persecution of revisionists

JEWISH MILITANTS: FIFTEEN YEARS -- AND MORE -- OF TERRORISM IN FRANCE

by Professor Robert FAURISSON
1 June 1995 

In its issue of June 1991, the monthly Le Choc du mois [The Shock of the Month] published a study entitled: "Milices juives/Quinze ans de terrorisme" [Jewish Militants/Fifteen Years of Terrorism] (in four columns, pp.7-13). The following was the subtitle:

 "Jewish action group," "Jewish combat organization," "Jewish defense organization" ... Under these diverse names, Jewish activists for fifteen years have sown terror unceasingly with total impunity. Provocations which have no other aim than to incite reprisals. As if certain people wanted the Jewish community to feel threatened... (p.7)

The study reviews fifty cases of physical aggression committed by organized Jewish groups during the period from 19 June 1976 to 20 April 1991. Not mentioned therefore are the physical aggressions, in any case rather rare, committed by individual Jews.

In the fifty cases listed by Le Choc du mois, the victims numbered in the hundreds. Among the victims of these militant groups we note: loss of life, injuries followed by a deep coma, lifetime disabilities, serious post-traumatic conditions; as well as acid throwing, "the commission of barbaric acts," an eye put out, severe beatings in the presence of policemen or gendarmes who refused to intervene, numerous hospitalizations, numerous attacks from ambush, one of them at least with the complicity of the press (case of the newspaper Libération). Most of these aggressions are passed over in silence by the media or briefly reported. Some of them are applauded by Jewish publications or organizations which, in general, after a few words of censure, give to understand that the victims deserve their fate, that it is "only natural and normal," and that no one need expect any leniency in future if he should ever again arouse the "anger" of the Jews.

It is worthy of note that not one Jew has been the victim of a single attack in revenge by any "revisionist" group or group of the so-called "extreme right" (since, to be sure, the press lumps "revisionism" and "extreme right" together, whereas, in reality, historical revisionism is a phenomenon that interests all thinking groups, from the ultraleft to the extreme right, and runs through all parties except the Communist party, and that's not counting the independents. Paul Rassinier, the founder of historical revisionism in France, was a socialist).

From among all the attacks and aggressions committed by Jewish militants or organizations, we shall confine ourselves to mentioning only those involving the following victims: François Duprat, a GRECE conference [GRECE = Groupe d'études et de recherches sur la civilisation européenne (Group for Studies and Research of European Civilization)], Marc Fredriksen, Charles Bousquet, Mark Fredriksen again, Michel Caignet, Pierre Sidos, Olivier Mathieu, Pierre Guillaume, the "Friends of Saint-Loup," and Robert Faurisson. Many other cases could be mentioned from 1976 (when, on 2 November, the building in which Jean-Marie Le Pen was living had to be entirely destroyed after having been rocked from top to bottom of its five floors in a dynamiting for which a "Jewish Remembrance Group" claimed the responsibility) to 1991 (when, on 2 April, Fabrice Benichou, a newsboy selling a Jean-Edern Hallier paper, died in his home after having been beaten up in the Sentier Jewish quarter of Paris).

F. Duprat, a member of the leadership of the National Front and an author and distributor of revisionist writings, was killed in his car on 18 March 1978 by the explosion of a sophisticated bomb. His wife was gravely injured. A "Remembrance Commando" claimed responsibility for the crime. In conformity with Serge and Beate Klarsfeld, the swindler Patrice Chairoff had published in Dossier néonazisme [The Neo-Nazi File] (Ramsay, 1977), the name and address of F. Duprat, and of several other persons as well who were suspected of fascism, of neo-Nazism, or of revisionism (Le Monde, 23 March 1978, p.7; 26 April 1978, p.9).

In Le Droit de vivre [The Right to Live], the organ of the League Against Racism and Antisemitism (LICA, later LICRA: Ligue internationale contre le racisme et l'antisémitisme), Jean Pierre-Bloch, the director of said publication, comments on the murder of F. Duprat without saying a single word about Mme Duprat's condition. His comments reflect a cabalistic mentality: Jean Pierre-Bloch affects disapproval of an "infamous" crime, but, in his opinion, the crime is due to the fact, if we take his word for it, that in the years 1977/78 "anarchy and the reign of political score-settling" took hold in France, and that "criminal accusations were made against the immigrants, Jews or Gypsies." It will be noted that J. Pierre-Bloch here equates indisputable criminal actions with "criminal accusations" of which he in fact indicates neither the purport nor the consequences. Still more revealing is the following passage in his statement: "Yes, it is true; we are ready to fight and to die to permit our adversaries to say in complete freedom what they think as long as they don't defend crime or harbor racial hatred." Put in the context of a definite assassination, these words constitute a warning to anyone who might displease the Jews by following F. Duprat's example (Le Monde, 7-8 May 1978).

Moreover, a few months later, J. Pierre-Bloch, describing Professor Faurisson as an emulator of Louis Darquier de Pellepoix, former commissioner general of Jewish affairs in the Vichy government, proclaimed: "Darquier will be extradited. Those who follow in his path can forget about living to a ripe old age. Sooner or later they will find the antiracists on their trail." (Le droit de vivre, December 1978, p.23). LICRA was founded by Bernard Lechache in 1927 under the name of "League Against Pogroms" to defend a Russian Jew who had assassinated the Ukrainian General Simon Petlioura at Paris the previous year. The clamor set up in the assassin's behalf led to his acquittal; and the same kind of clamor was much later to lead to the acquittal of other assassins (for example, the 5 May 1976 acquittal of the thug and murderer Pierre Goldmann).

Journalist Pierre Viansson-Ponte, did an article in Le Monde that was a smear job pure and simple on the subject of an English revisionist pamphlet that had been distributed in France by François Duprat; in the article he refrained from making any reference to Duprat's assassination ("Le mensonge (suite)" [The Lie (continued)], Le Monde, 3-4 September 1978, p.9).

 A GRECE Conference

On 9 December 1979, the 14th national GRECE conference was attacked by a hundred or so individuals wearing helmets who made a wreck of the bookstands. They displayed banners bearing the name of the "Organisation juive de défense" (OJD) [Jewish Defense Organization]. Fifteen or so of the conference attendees were injured. One of them lost an eye. Several of the assailants were arrested by the police, then released the same afternoon on the intervention of Jean-Pierre Pierre-Bloch, the son of J. Pierre-Bloch and a friend of Jacques Chirac. Jean-Pierre Pierre-Bloch had been involved, and would also later be involved, in other attacks or other intercessions in behalf of the same aggressors. 

Marc Fredriksen

On 19 September 1980 a commando group of the "Organisation juive de défense" (OJD) attacked sympathizers of Marc Fredriksen, an executive of FANE (Féderation d'action national et européenne) [National and European Action Federation], at the Palace of Justice in Paris. Six persons were injured, two of them seriously. The guards of the Palace of Justice, although charged with maintaining order, did in fact allow the Jewish militants in this case, as in all other similar circumstances, to act without or almost without hindrance. As for Jean Pierre-Bloch, he announced: "The law of retaliation might well appear again.... If a single one of our own is harmed, we shall apply the formula: an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth.... If we have to organize militarily, we shall do so" (Le Nonde, 1 October 1980). The phrase "If a single one of our own is harmed..." indicates that in fact not a single Jew has been harmed. And what was true in 1980 is still true in 1995. In the course of their fighting against the nationalists or revisionists the Jews harm, wound or kill but are not harmed, wounded or killed; had the latter ever been the case, the media of the entire world would most emphatically have published commentary in the form of photographs (unquestionable ones) attesting thereto: Jews with eyes put out, with faces disfigured by sulphuric acid, Jews lying unconscious, mangled, in the hospital, sent to the morgue, etc. Can you not imagine how such horrors would have been exploited on every continent in the world?

On 3 October 1980, an attack was made on the synagogue in the rue Copernic, resulting in four dead and twenty-seven wounded. The four dead were passersby; among them was an Israeli woman whose presence has never been explained. Christian Bonnet, the minister of the Interior, that same day received information that allowed him to identify the occurrence as a Palestinian attack, but under the pressure of the Jewish organizations and with the concurrence of the major newspapers, he let it be thought an action of the extreme right. It was later learned that the attack was actually committed by a Palestinian from Cyprus. On the same evening of the attack, the FANE premises were wrecked, and the Librairie française [French Bookstore] in the rue de l'Abbé-Grégoire was the target of a new arson attempt.

This bookstore, owned by Jean-Gilles Malliarakis, would undergo more than ten attacks or attempts over a period of just a few years. The headquarters of l'Oeuvre française [a political party] directed by Pierre Sidos was machine-gunned. Lynching scenes unfolded in Paris, where groups of Jewish demonstrators attacked young lone passersby who were tall, blond, and with short hair (Le Monde, 9 October 1980, p.12).

At Neuilly, on 7 October, Charles Bousquet, 84 years old, was attacked in his home with sulfuric acid by a group of unknown men who had apparently mistaken him for the militant nationalist, Pierre Bousquet (no relation to René Bousquet). He was hospitalized for a month at Foch Hospital in the major burns ward. He retained after-effects from his injuries. He refused to press charges because his son Pierre, a professor of history at the University of Paris IV, has asked him not to "on account of the Israelites" : "They'll be in Jerusalem or Tel Aviv, the ones who did it. It would all be useless. I want to forget it" (interview granted R. Faurisson on 2 May 1984).

On 12 October 1980, Mark Fredriksen was beaten up and admitted to the Rambouillet hospital in grave condition. His apartment was torn apart in his absence. While under treatment at Berck-sur-Mer for multiple fractures, he came near suffering another attack: three young men showed up and asked to see him; their description matched that of the Aziza group who subsequently attacked Michel Caignat with acid (see below).

On 20 October, the writer André Figuéras was attacked at his residence. 

On 29 January 1981, Michel (Miguel) Caignet, 26 years old, a student preparing for a doctorate in Anglo-German linguistics, was leaving his residence in Courbevoie to go to the University when he was accosted by four individuals near his house. They knocked him down and prevented him from moving. One of the four individuals sprayed his face and his right hand with sulphuric acid.

M. Caignet had belonged to FANE, and he was a revisionist. He had been denounced by the weekly VSD (Vendredi/Samedi/Dimanche [Friday/Saturday/Sunday]). Following the attack with acid, his face was so horrible to look at that only two newspapers ventured to publish his photograph. The principal perpetrator of the attack, Yves Aziza, a medical student and the son of Charles Aziza (an assistant pharmacist at Montreuil), was known by the police within an hour of the aggression, but the French police and courts have invariably, in scandalous circumstances only too well known, allowed Y. Aziza to flee to Germany and to Israel. At the ministry of Justice, a person named Main, of the bureau of criminal affairs (directed by Raoul Béteille), sarcastically evaded every question put to him with regard to the considerable delay (fourteen days!) brought about in the opening of a judicial inquiry.... Among Y. Aziza's correspondents we found the name of Daniel Ziskind, the son of Michèle Ziskind, sister of Jean-Pierre Pierre-Bloch, who is himself the son of Jean Pierre-Bloch.

On 18 September 1981, two hundred members of the "Organisation juive de combat" [Jewish Combat Organization] (OJC) laid down the law at the Palace of Justice in Paris, where the defamation trial brought by Pierre Sidos, president of l'Oeuvre française, against Jean-Pierre Bloch was taking place. As usual, the Jews were beating up several of the spectators.

On 25 November, the premises of the Études et documentation bookstore were set on fire by a commando group.

On 8 May 1988, at Saint-Augustin square in Paris, commandos of the OJC used iron bars to attack partisans of l'Oeuvre française who were taking part in the traditional parade in honor of Joan of Arc; they injured some fifteen, two of them very gravely. Four of the persons attacked were hospitalized. A septuagenarian remained in a coma for several weeks. Ten members of the OJC were questioned by the police. That same afternoon Jean-Pierre Pierre-Bloch interceded with the police judiciare [crime investigations unit] in their behalf. Legal proceedings were instituted against some of the aggressors. Some (females) were let go with the following notation of the examining magistrate: "preliminary examination inopportune." Other aggressors were tried, though not without pressure "from the highest political level" being brought to bear on the Public Prosecutor's Office. In total, only three of the attackers were tried; they were given a two-year suspended (!) prison sentence.

On 6 February 1990, millions of televiewers were able to witness the brutal attack made on the person of Olivier Mathieu during a telecast emceed by Christophe Dechavanne. Jean-Pierre Pierre-Bloch came onto the stage with a group of OJC militants. O. Mathieu had just time enough to declare: "Faurisson is right."

Then ten or so hooligans gave him, his fiancée, and Marc Botrel a severe beating. Present was an important personage among Jewish militants: Moshe Cohen, a former second lieutenant of the Israeli army and an officer at the time of the Tagar, the student branch of the Betar (59 boulevard de Strasbourg, Paris Xe). The aggressions continued off the stage and out into the street. One aggressor was questioned by the police and released a few hours later on the intercession of Jean-Pierre Pierre-Bloch.

Pierre Guillaume, who is a member of the far left, is the man in charge of the Vieille Taupe, which has published revisionist works, Professor Faurisson's in particular. He has been the victim of a number of serious aggressions, either against his person at the Sorbonne, in his bookstore in the rue d'Ulm, at the Palace of Justice in Paris (where the guards did not intervene), or against his property (book warehouse, video equipment, bookstore). In 1991, groups of demonstrators, chiefly Jews, came and laid siege to his bookstore in the rue d'Ulm on a regular basis and finally succeeded in closing that bookstore by dint of various forms of violence (breaking shopwindows, spraying chemical products, physical intimidation, etc.).

On 20 April 1991, at the "Maison des Mines" in Paris, fifty or so individuals claiming to be members of the Groupe d'action juive (GAJ) [Jewish Action Group], and armed with iron bars and baseball bats, attacked the participants of a conference organized in honor of the writer Saint-Loup (Marc Augier). Thirteen persons, for the most part elderly, were injured, two of them very seriously. Juliette Cavalié, 67 years of age, was taken to Beaujon Hospital where she fell into a coma that lasted three months; upon regaining consciousness, she would be condemned to spend the rest of her days unable any longer to feed herself or to walk. Alain Léauthier, a journalist for Libération and a relative of the socialist deputy and Jewish maximalist, Julien Dray, witnessed the preparation and the perpetration of the attack from beginning to end and provided a smug and ironical report of it ("Zionist commando unit invites itself to the neo-Nazi meeting," Liberation, 22 April 1991, p.28).

The professor was the victim of ten physical aggressions between 20 November 1978 and 31 May 1993 (two in Lyon, two in Vichy, two in Stockholm and four in Paris). Seven of these attacks were at the hands of French Jewish organizations or militants (two in Lyon, one in Vichy, one in Stockholm by French Jews (come from Paris by plane) in association with Swedish Jews, one at the Sorbonne, and one at the Palace of Justice in Paris).

The first of these seven aggressions took place on 20 November 1978; it had been heralded in Libération-Lyon by the Jewish jour-nalist Bernard Schaischa, who indicated the day, the place, and the hour of the professor's courses. Members of the Jewish Students Union who had come by train first-class from Paris attacked the professor at the University; Dr. Marc Aron, a cardiologist, and president of the liaison committee of the Jewish institutions and organizations of Lyon, was present on the spot.

The second attack occurred when the professor attempted to take up his courses again a few weeks later; Dr. Marc Aron was again present at the university on that day.

At the Sorbonne, on 12 September 1987, members of a Jewish group of militants attacked Henry Chauveau (grievously injured), Michel Sergent, Pierre Guillaume, Freddy Storer (a Belgian), and Professor Faurisson as well, all of whom were injured. The Sorbonne guards apprehended one of the attackers. A plainclothes police official ordered the aggressor released and used the violence as an excuse to expel the professor from the university. And remember, if you will, that R. Faurisson had taught at the Sorbonne.

On 16 September 1989, a trap was laid for R. Faurisson in a Vichy park near his residence by a group of three young men; and but for the intervention of a passerby, he would have been finished off with kicks to the head. Injured, he was to undergo a long surgical operation. The inquiry of the crime investigations unit confirmed that the attack could be attributed to "young Jewish activists from Paris." On the eve of the attack, R. Faurisson had noted with surprise the presence near the park of a certain Nicolas Ullmann, born in 1963; this Ullmann had violently struck the professor at the Vichy Sporting-Club on 12 July 1987. When he was interrogated at the crime investigations department as to the reasons for his presence in that area, N. Ullman gave vague and contradictory answers; moreover, he claimed that on the very day of the attack he had taken part in a "bal masqué" [masked ball] in Paris, so that it would be impossible for anyone other than his host and friend to vouch for his presence in Paris that day. It is to be noted that the examining magistrate of Cusset, near Vichy, never summoned the professor to hear his testimony; this judge, Jocelyne Rubantel, only received him in her office, like a criminal, to make known to him that she would ask for a dismissal of the charges. Which she obtained. No search was made of the Paris headquarters of the Betar/Tagar. Such a search would have caused too much "anger" in the Jewish community.

On 16 October 1989, or a month to the day after the attack at Vichy, a bomb was exploded at the door of the Choc du mois premises in Paris, which were then ransacked. Credit for the attack was claimed by the OJC and groups of the extreme left. Éric Letty, who had devoted an article to Professor Faurisson, would have been killed had he not, by a miracle, detected the imminence of the explosion in good time.

We do not have the space to recall here the other aggressions of which Professor Faurisson was the target.

Many other cases could be cited of group attacks or aggressions carried out by Jews: in addition to the cases listed in the Choc du mois article for the years 1976-1991, the cases not listed would have to be taken into consideration and, finally, also cases that have occurred from 1992 on.

Let us say again that the total number of victims amounts to several hundreds, whereas in return not a single Jew has been the target of a concerted attack.

On 14 January 1988, in Lyon, Professor Jean-Claude Allard was hospitalized following a group attack on him to which the OJC laid claim: they had set up an ambush for him on the parking lot of the University of Lyon III; in June of 1985,he had presided over the examining board of the thesis of revisionist Henri Roques on "The Confessions of Kurt Gerstein" (a thesis whose defense, in an action unprecedented in the annals of the French University, was annulled under the pressure of "angry" Jews).

On 13 April 1944, when there was a session break in the trial of the "hooligans of the Parc des Princes" [Paris stadium noted for soccer and rugby games], (one at least of the hooligans was a Jew), armed Jewish militants engaged in new acts of violence; yet it was not the Jews but the police whom the hooligans had made their victims. the Jews. The militants had got into the Palace of Justice with weapons and iron bars; a Palace guard was going to be one of their victims. "An interesting detail: no investigation was made to clear up the affair, and the only arrest made was that of one of the `nationalist militants' who had been attacked and ventured to defend himself" ("Jewish militants make the law," Le Libre Journal, 27 April 1994, p.9; see also: "The Betar makes the law in the palace of justice," Rivarol, 22 April 1994, p.5).

On 28 April 1994, the German Ludwig Watzal, an official guest of the University of Nanterre, was struck by members of Jewish or leftist organizations.

Many bookstores have been wrecked: in addition to the Bleu- Blanc-Rouge, to Ogmios, the Librairie Française, and the Librairie de la Vieille Taupe, we may mention the Librairie Grégori and the Librairie de la Joyeuse Garde (in the last named case, shopwindows broken, steel safety curtains stuck shut with birdlime, excrement strewn around, etc.). Offices, buildings, a church (Saint-Nicolas-du-Chardonnet in Paris, on 21 December 1978), exhibitions, a book warehouse have all been the target of attacks claimed as their own by Jewish organizations.

The most dangerous place in France: the Paris Palace of Justice and it surroundings

For the marked victims of these militants, the most dangerous town in France is Paris. Within Paris, one of the most dangerous districts is the first district; and within that district the most dangerous place is that formed by the Palace of Justice and its immediate surroundings. This spot, however, is particularly well watched over by the police, since the Palace has its own "military command" consisting of hundreds of armed guards, and since right next to the Palace is the "Quai des Orfèvres," headquarters of the crime investigations department of the police. But in these latter years, as it happens, the guards and police have allowed many acts of violence to be perpetrated, especially against revisionists who have been summoned to court or who come to attend the trials.

When a group of Jewish militants decide to burst into the court building, the scenario is invariably as follows: the bully boys, whose behavior betrays their bellicose intentions, are in no wise held by the guards at a distance from their intended victims; no officer of the guard attempts to make contact with the leader of these shock troops to let him know that no violence will be tolerated; the assailants are permitted to insult, to provoke, then to strike the victims. Some guards make an effort to protect some victims; and if a militant calls attention to himself by extreme violence, three guards quickly take him out, then let him go. The victims upon whom the blows are raining down can neither have the brutes questioned by the police or learn their identity. Once the militants have done their work and disappeared, the guards hasten to the bloody or swollen victims and make over them like concerned nannies.

On 9 May 1995, a trial of Professor Faurisson went off without the presence of the militants in question. There wasn't anything surprising about that: attorney Jean-Serge Lorach, representing the plaintiffs associations, announced in his pleading that he had asked that the "survivors" (and the reporters) not come and attend the trial. But, in point of fact, the head of the Betar/Tagar was present along with some confederates in the Seventeenth Criminal Court, and then, when they were leaving the court building: Moshe Cohen in person. He was at the exit of the building with four men, of whom had a cellular phone, keeping an eye on Professor Faurisson, his attorney, and the persons accompanying them. His team had an unmarked police car (an R19 number 356JEK75) parked on the pavement of the big gate of the court building (in position to leave). Moshe Cohen, the man of all the dirty jobs of the Betar/Tagar, was accordingly there with the authorization of the commissioner of the 1st district of Paris, Robert Baujard, and with the consent of Colonel Roger Renault, the commander of the guards of the court, whose orders were to tell the curious that the vehicle belonged "to the police."

Mme Françoise Castro and her husband, Laurent Fabius, are both Jews. In 1986, at the time when L. Fabius was the prime minister of France, F. Castro revealed that the Jewish militants and the minister of the Interior were working hand in hand. She stated: 

An extraordinary novelty in political behavior: the Left has allowed Jewish militants to establish themselves in some quarters of Paris and also in Toulouse, Marseille, and Strasbourg [and to have] regular contacts with the minister of the Interior (Le Monde, 7 March 1986, p.8).

By a sort of general consent it seems to be agreed that the Jews must be treated in France as a privileged minority whose "anger" must be excused (this word crops up in the press with a nagging persistence). Their militants are the only ones in France given the right to bear arms (see the photograph of a Jew armed with an automatic pistol on the roof of a building in the rue de Nazareth, Libération, 14 October 1986, p.56). The C.I.D. in France is paralyzed in its investigations of crimes committed by these militants ("the young Jewish activists of Paris," as they have come to be called euphemistically).

In France, these militant groups enjoy at least a partial guarantee of impunity. The worst thing their members have to fear is having to go into exile in Germany or Israel for a spell.

Simone Veil, the former secretary general of the Magistrates Council and former minister, offers a prime example of persons in the Jewish community of France who incite actual murder. In 1985, in connection with Klaus Barbie, she declared: "Listen, I believe very sincerely that I would not have been shocked by a summary execution [of Klaus Barbie]" (Le Monde, 24 December 1985, p.14). She repeated the offense on 22 April 1992 in a telecast by the second television network dedicated to: "Vichy, remembering and forgetting," in which she stated concerning the Touvier trial which had disappointed her (notwithstanding the sentencing of an octogenarian with cancer to life imprisonment): "If we wanted a trial in which things are spoken of in their true light and that doesn't turn out like the Touvier trial, well then, in the last analysis it would have been necessary for someone, like me for example, at some moment or other to coldly murder someone." That murderer would then be in a position, according to Simone Veil, to explain publicly the reasons for his act. S. Veil committed the same offense once again, in 1994, on the occasion of the murder of René Bousquet, which was committed by a visionary fired up by the calls for vengeance that were so frequent in all the French newspapers and in Jewish circles, when she declared: "Besides, if I'd had the courage, I'd have gone and killed him myself" (Globe Hebdo, 11-17 May 1994, p.21).

On 14 December 1992, in an American radio broadcast, Professor Pierre Vidal-Naquet could be heard saying in English: "I hate Faurisson. If I could, I'd kill him personally."

The list of incendiary statements made by French Jews in positions of responsibility calling for physical violence would be a long one. Political assassination is a practice the Jews shrink from hardly at all. On this subject, one may read the recent work of Nachman Ben-Yehuda, Political Assassination by Jews, A Rhetorical Device for Justice, (New York: State University of New York Press, 1993, xxii-527 pp.). We know the considerable role played by the Jews in the Bolshevik revolution: Lenin and Trotsky were merely the two most bloodthirsty Jews of the Bolshevik political police. In France, the song of the partisans was written by two Jews, Joseph Kessel (1898-1979) and Maurice Druon, both of whom were later members of the French Academy; the song's refrain is well known: "Ohé! Les tueurs à la balle et au couteau / Tuez vite!" [Hey there! Killers by gun or blade / Kill swiftly!"]

In his Lettre à un képi blanc [Letter to a legionnaire] (Robert Laffont, 1975), Bernard Clavel writes: "War poisons peace. Look at that German woman, Beate Klarsfeld, who passes life in hatred, who lives only for vengeance" (p.93). At the end of the indictment of Kurt Lischka at Köln, Serge Klarsfeld stated on 24 July 1978, at the time of a press conference held in Paris: "We are not seeking vengeance. If that were our aim, it would have been easy for us to kill all the Nazi criminals we have tracked down." "And if the court at Köln refused to try Lischka?" someone asked him. S. Klarfeld's reply: "That in a way would be signing his death sentence" (Le Monde, 26 July 1978, p.4). In 1982 the Klarsfelds engaged the services of a hired assassin, a Bolivian socialist of Indian origin named Juan Carlos, to assassinate Klaus Barbie (Life, February 1985, p.65), but the operation was destined to fail. In 1986, Beate Klarsfeld spilled a confidence or two in an American newspaper: "[She tells] how she haunted at least three former Nazis until they committed suicide or died; how she organized attempts to kidnap others; how she used headline-making gimmicks to bring to trial or to ruin the careers of many who were convinced the world had forgotten them."" [She tells] how she slapped the face of [German] chancellor Kurt Kissinger in public in 1968." "Once, she and several friends tried to kidnap Kurt Lischka" but the car provided them unfortunately had only two doors instead of four. As for Ernst Ehlers, "harassed by Klarsfeld-organized demonstrations outside his home, he first resigned and then committed suicide." The Klarsfelds had picked up the trail of Walter Rauff in Chile; they demonstrated in front of his house and broke his windows. "He died a couple of months later. I was glad, because as long as these people are alive, they are an offense to their victims." "My husband and I are not fanatics.... Once my husband held a pistol to the temple of Rauff, just to show that we could kill him, but he didn't pull the trigger" (The Chicago Tribune, 29 June 1986). In 1988, S. Klarsfeld stated: "No one has really gone after Le Pen in dead earnest. We ought to have provoked confrontations with him so that...he'd take the most extreme position possible." (Le Soir (of Brussels) according to Rivarol, 1 July 1988, p.5). In 1990, when the Union of Jewish Students of France was holding its convention at Lyon, where Professor Faurisson had taught and where Bernard Notin was still teaching, S. Klarsfeld stated to the students: "In your life as a Jew, engage in actions to guard the memory, to defend the Jewish State" (Le Progrès de Lyon, 2 November 1990, p.6). In 1991, Beate Klarsfeld entered Syria with false papers in order to repeat outside the presumed residence of Alois Brunner (who was already disfigured and missing most of his fingers as the result of exploding letter bombs), the kind of demonstration carried out in front of the homes of former national socialists, or at Paul Touvier's home (which was broken into, looted, and laid waste) in 1972. In 1992, the Klarsfelds organized what Le Monde called "The savage escapade of the Betar at Rostock"..."spreading terror in the central square of the Rostock town hall, with French and Israeli flags displayed, calling passersby `dirty Germans, dirty Nazis!'" (Le Monde, 21 October 1992, p.4). Beate Klarsfeld afterwards approved of the attack by the Betar on the Goethe Institute in Paris and considered it an act of "legitimate violence" because the Rostock police had questioned a few of the aggressors, only to release them (Der Standard of Vienna, 23 October 1992). Nine of the policemen had been injured, among them several who, having been beaten with baseball bats and iron bars and sprayed with "defensive" gas, had needed to be hospitalized. On 8 June 1993, René Bousquet, former secretary general of the police in the period of the Vichy Government and later deported by the Germans, was struck down in his Paris residence by a fanatic; the latter, spewing out verbiage à la Klarsfeld, explained his action as that of a lover of justice who, previously, had sought to kill Paul Touvier. Annick Cojean, of the newspaper Le Monde, wrote apropos of S. Klarsfeld: "Was he not the slayer of Bousquet? The one who had tracked him down, pursued him, attacked him, forced him to resign from his every office from 1978 to 1989? And was he not [by this assassination] robbed of a long awaited trial? -- The lawyer quietly smiles: "Why deny it? What I feel today is relief above all. And if that runs counter to the interests of the trial, so be it! I can't be worrying about what those people want. That's too much for me." (Le Monde, 10 June 1993, p.28).

Already on the 16th of September 1989, upon learning of the attack made on Professor Faurisson, S. Klarsfeld had stated in a broadcast on "Radio J" ("J" for "Jewish"):

It's not so surprising, because anyone who provokes the Jewish community for years on end has to expect an occurrence of this kind. You can't insult the memory of the victims without there being consequences. That may be regrettable, perhaps, but it's normal and only natural.

What could be more normal than that some young people may have got angry and tried to teach Faurisson a lesson? (Le Monde, 19 September 1989, p.14).

S. Klarsfeld, a lawyer and officer of the National Order of Merit, has never concealed his taste for violent action as long as he thinks he's dealing with people he calls "criminals." No more does he conceal his resorting to lies and blackmail (see Arno Klarsfeld, "Pourquoi je suis juif" [Why I am a Jew], Information juive, June 1994, p.9, and S. Klarsfeld, "Lettre à François Mitterrand," Libération, 12 September 1994, p.6, in which we read the following sentence addressed to the president of the Republic: "Whence came my lack of respect to recall only your past in Vichy and to manipulate you [by means of false information] in order to steer you in the right direction: a true reading of the crimes agreed to by Vichy?"). In 1989, following the attack of which he had been a victim in Vichy, Professor Faurisson imparted some thoughts to the Choc du mois (December 1989, pp.42f.) which with the passage of time and, in particular, with the assassination of R. Bousquet, take on a marked relevance, as, for example, the following: "...it is easy [for the Klarsfelds or other such advisors of the Israeli Embassy in Paris] to arouse high feelings and to stir into action those who mean to take justice into their own hands." Professor Faurisson concluded:

I think...that a Jewish terrorism exists; it is lament- able; and the lament covers the sounds of the blows and the screams of the victims.... In order to silence me, it will be necessary to kill me. And a host of revisionists in France and abroad will then take my place.

The present review deals with the actions of physical violence committed by the Jewish militant groups. It bears witness to the fact that in our country the Jewish community, "happy as God in France" (a Yiddish proverb), enjoys exorbitant privileges.

Violent actions that are non-physical would seem to illustrate these privileges perfectly. We note just two examples: Robert Faurisson, at the University of Lyon II, and Bernard Notin, at the University of Lyon III, had the right-- incontestable in the eyes of the law--to practice their profession and resume their lectures. Dr. Marc Aron decided otherwise, and along with him, organizations such as the Union of Jewish Students of France, who cynically declared that as far as they were concerned, those teachers would never again be able to work. All the presidents of the Republic in succession, all the prime ministers, all the ministers of Education, all the university presidents, and all the unions submitted to that ukase without so much as a murmur. Several months after the decision, R. Faurisson learned by ordinary mail and with no form of explanation that the professorship he held had been eliminated. When in June of 1994 Bernard Notin thought to have found a way out, and when Le Monde announced that "Bernard Notin is leaving to teach in Morocco" (9 June 1994, p.14), we next were given to read that the announcement of his departure for the University of Oujda "had provoked a reaction of `shock' on the part of the Union of Jewish Students of France (UEJF), which demands the cancellation of the contract signed by the two institutions (French and Moroccan) and `the definitive dismissal of M. Notin from the teaching profession.'" (Le Monde, 11 June 1994, p.6). Not a single major newspaper raised its voice to point out that Dr. Marc Aron and his institutions or organizations were gravely infringing on the rights of civil servants, hindering the freedom to work, and inflicting considerable injury not only to individuals but to the normal functioning of the institutions of the country. Dr. Marc Aron and his militants are obeyed in fear and trembling. First they see to it that the professors who arouse their "anger" are no longer allowed to practice their profession; and second, they can count on Le canard enchaîné [the canard nailed down - a satirical journal specializing in the denunciation of scandals] to proclaim the scandal of those professors who are paid (on short allowance) and do not work!

The representatives of the Jewish community and their organs of communication excel in repression via the judiciary or the media. "The unjust force of the law" operates in favor of that community and to the detriment of persons called "anti-Jewish"; for the least word or thought judged heretical, the latter find them-selves severely condemned. Fines, damages, imprisonment ruin their lives, destroy their families, crush their children. The media, whose venom glands never run dry, contribute their part to this hysteria of vengeance.

Jewish terrorism seems to present the same characteristics in other countries as well: other than in the particular setting of the Judeo-Palestinian war, the Jews act as aggressors without ever undergoing physical attack themselves from any group either anti-Jewish or reputed to be.

During the period here under consideration (1976-1995), France has never known groups, commandos, or militants that committed physical violence on Jews (Arab-Palestinian attacks are another matter). But that obvious fact seems to have escaped the political observers of every stripe. The balance sheet up to now is as follows: on the one hand, some fifty aggressions organized and carried out by armed militants, resulting in hundreds of victims; and on the other hand, aggressions and victims amounting to a total of...zero!

With the Betar/Tagar, the French Jewish minority possesses with the approval of the Minister of the Interior--paramilitary groups whose like does not exist for any other part of the French population or for any other foreign minority on French soil.

As Le Choc du mois noted in its file on those militant groups (June 1991, p.11), the fifth French television network, on 4 April 1990, televised a program on the militants of the Betar/Tagar. In it a student was seen getting a beating at the hands of the "Tagarim" when he was coming out of the Faculté d'Assas [a university] in Paris. On 18 May 1990, the same television network broadcast a second report devoted to the training, "copied after that of the Israeli soldier," that the militants of the Betar/Tagar were receiving two times a week at a chateau in the vicinity of Sarcelles (a suburb of Paris): paramilitary exercises and close action combat training under the Israeli flag. Per se, exercises of that type may just be a sort of representation or "cinema" for the weak-minded, but with the Betar/Tagar, these activities find expression either in criminal attacks or in commando operations which enjoy the protection of the Minister of the Interior, the support (in fact if not in words) of so-called antiracist leagues and organizations, and preferential treatment on the part of the media.

Annie Kriegel in 1990 denounced "an intolerable Jewish thought police" (Le Figaro, 3 April 1990, p.2, and L'Arche, April 1990, p.25). Actually, this police has the force of law thanks to Rabbi Sirat, who launched the idea of an antirevisionist law (Bulletin de l'Agence télégraphique juive [Jewish Telegraph Agency Bulletin], 2 June 1986, p.1), and thanks to Laurent Fabius, who could justly claim the parliamentary initiative in the passing of that law. The disgusting media coverage devoted to the desecration of Jewish graves in the Carpentras cemetery (desecration in which it seems the son of a synagogue officiant is involved) paralyzed all opposition to the final vote on the Sirat-Fabius-Gayssot law.

But alongside this intolerable thought police, there exists in France an intolerable Israeli-style armed police that operates with the use of unconcealed force.

On 7 May 1995, in Toronto (Canada), the home of revisionist Ernst Zündel was devastated by a criminally set fire. A few days later, the same E. Zündel received a booby-trapped package (which was ultimately sent to the police, who exploded it). Many other examples of this kind of violence--preceded by a hateful press campaign--could be pointed out. On this subject, read the pamphlet by Mark Weber: The Zionist Terror Network / Background and Operation of the Jewish Defense League and other Criminal Zionist Groups / A Special Report, Institute for Historical Review (P.O. Box 2739, Newport Beach, Ca. 92659, USA), Revised and Updated Edition, 1993. There is a danger that such acts of violence will grow in number in France if the Jewish minority continues to have armed groups of militants at its disposal.

We call for an end to the privilege this community enjoys. Pending a political decision to this effect, we demand as a matter of extreme urgency that the Palace of Justice in Paris and its immediate surroundings be prohibited to any group or director of any group (a la Moshe Cohen) whose terrorist intentions are manifest. It is inadmissible that a certain category of persons called to court, and those accompanying them, should have to dread going from the vicinity of the Seventeenth chambre correctionnelle (presided over by Martine Ract-Madoux or Jean-Yves Monfort), or the Eleventh section of the court of appeals (presided over by Françoise Simon or Violette Hannoun), straight to the hospital. It is shocking that the directors of the militant groups hang out permanently at the Court House with all the privileges accorded to the members of the various bodies of the national police. "The pip-squeak little Nazis got the thrashing they deserved in front of the Palace of Justice," Jean-Pierre Bloch exclaimed in 1980 concerning the lynchings that had taken place in and in front of the Palace of Justice (Libération, 24 September 1980). No one can pretend not to know of these acts of physical violence that the president of the LICRA was sanctioning publicly fifteen years ago and which, for fifteen years now, have been occurring with the complicity of the forces of law and order. For fifteen years, neither the magistrates nor the lawyers nor their respective unions have demanded that an end be put to this state of affairs that dishonors French justice. As for the aforementioned Moshe Cohen, it would seem to be time to remind him of the statements he made at L'Événement du jeudi (26 September 1991), according to which every Jew has his roots and his future in Israel and is thus "a displaced person" (sic) in France. At near fifty years of age, M. Cohen, who even as we write is in Israel, would be well advised before coming back to France to make his aliyah, that is to say, his "ascension" (sic) in Israel.

The present text, based on documentation provided by Professor Faurisson, is of value as a warning and a caution. It is addressed to the French authorities and, in particular, to those whose names are listed below. In English translation it will be distributed to international authorities.

- "Interview with Professor Faurisson," Le Choc du mois, December 1989, pp.42f.
- "Jewish Militants/Fifteen Years of Terrorism," Ibid., June 1991, pp.7-13.
- "The Militants Who Spread Terror," Ibid., April 1992, pp.37-39.
- Photographs: "M. Fredriksen in the hospital"; "M. Caignet, victim of acid-throwing"; "R. Faurisson in the hospital"; "Juliette Cavalié before sinking into a coma"; "A bashing by a group of Jews"; "Man wearing a kippa and armed with an automatic pistol, in Paris."

In press: Emmanuel Ratier, Les Guerriers d'Israël (Investigation of the Zionist militant groups), Facta (37, rue d'Amsterdam, 750008 Paris), 1995, 416 pp., 195 F (+ 30 F for shipping/handling).

Calls for physical violence are a common occurrence in the local papers; in this regard, here is the quotation of the week: "As far as he is concerned, Jacques Kupfer, president of Herout de France, has a precise idea of the Jewish response to the FN: `I have never been of the opinion that anti-Semitism is settled by means of commu-niqués or philosophical discussions,' he said. `But I know how you settle the problem of the anti-Semites: in a very physical manner. Jewish young people must be ready for that: there's no need to cry, or to be afraid, or to complain'..." (Arié Ben Abraham, "Le Pacte communautaire" [The Community Pact], Tribune juive, week of the 25th to the 1st of June 1995, p.15.

François Cordier, deputy public prosecutor of the Republic has just demanded, on 9 May 1995, a penalty of three months imprisonment with no possibility of remission for Robert Faurisson on the basis of the Sirat-Fabius-Gayssot law of 13 July 1990; the professor is, as a matter of fact, guilty of contesting the exist-ence of the Nazi gas chambers. The judgment will be rendered on 13 June 1995 by the Seventeenth section of the tribunal correctionel of Paris.